Fungsi dan Peran Pengawasan KPI dalam Pemilu

Fungsi dan Peran Pengawasan KPI dalam Pemilu

·        Reformasi dan demokrasi khususnya telah memberi kebebasan kepada masyarakat unruk mengekspresikan dirinya, namun kebebasan seperti apa?

1.   Tidak melanggar aturan, prinsip, dan norma-norma agama.

2.   Tidak melanggar aturan perundang-undangan

3.   Etika yang tumbuh di masyarakat

4.   Dan hal-hal lain yang dapat menimbulkan masalah

·                    Pembentukan KPI didasarkan pada pasal 6 UU No. 32 Tahun 2002 Tentang Penyiaran, (ayat 4) “Untuk penyelenggaraan penyiaran, dibentuk sebuah komisi penyiaran “

·                    Sedangkan status dan posisi KPI diatur dalam pasal 7

a)   KPI sebagai lembaga negara yang bersifat independen mengatur hal-hal mengenai penyiaran.

b)   KPI terdiri atas KPI Pusat dibentuk di tingkat pusat dan KPI Daerah dibentuk di tingkat provinsi.

c)   Dalam menjalankan fungsi, tugas, wewenang dan kewajibannya, KPI Pusat diawasi oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia, dan KPI Daerah diawasi oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Provinsi

·        Anggota KPI Pusat dipilih oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia dan KPI Daerah dipilih oleh Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Provinsi atas usul masyarakat melalui uji kepatutan dan kelayakan secara terbuka.

·        Fungsi KPI dalam pengawasan media penyiaran dapat ditemukan dalam Pasal 8 UU No. 32 Tahun 2002 Tentang Penyiaran

Pasal 8 Ayat 2 UU No 32 Tahun 2002 menyatakan bahwa dalam menjalankan fungsinya KPI memilik kewenangan:

Wewenang	Penjelasan
Menetapkan standar program siaran	Peraturan No. 02 dan No. 03 Tahun 2009 Tentang Pedoman Prilaku Penyiaran dan Standar Program Siaran
Menyusun peraturan dan menetapkan pedoman perilaku penyiaran
Mengawasi pelaksanaan peraturan dan pedoman perilaku penyiaran serta standar program siaran
Memberikan sanksi terhadap pelanggaran peraturan dan pedoman perilaku penyiaran serta standar program siaran	Pelanggaran terhadap aturan-aturan yang terdapat pada P3SPS diatur dalam UU No 32 Tahun 2002 Pasal 55 Ayat 2 dan Peraturan No. 02 dan No. 03 Tahun 2009 P3SPS Pasal 67 Ayat 2
Melakukan koordinasi dan/atau kerjasama dengan Pemerintah, lembaga penyiaran, dan masyarakat	Nota Kesepahaman  KPI-POLRI (2006), KPI-LSF (2007), KPI-MUI (2004), KPI-PBNU (2008), KPI-KPU (2008), KPI-Bawaslu (2008), KPI-KPU 2013.

·        Pasal 8 Ayat 3 dari UU No 32 Tahun 2002 juga mengatur  tugas dan kewajiban KPI yaitu

1.   Menjamin masyarakat untuk memperoleh informasi yang layak dan benar sesuai dengan hak asasi manusia

2.   Ikut membantu pengaturan infrastruktur bidang penyiaran

3.   Ikut membangun iklim persaingan yang sehat antarlembaga penyiaran dan industri terkait

4.   Memelihara tatanan informasi nasional yang adil, merata, dan seimbang

5.   Menampung, meneliti, dan menindaklanjuti aduan, sanggahan, serta kritik dan apresiasi masyarakat terhadap penyelenggaraan penyiaran; dan

6.   Menyusun perencanaan pengembangan sumber daya manusia yang menjamin profesionalitas di bidang penyiaran

KPI dan Pemilu

·        Dalam mengawasi Pemilu, KPI telah menjalin Nota Kesepahaman dengan KPU dalam pengaturan dan Pengawasan Pemberitaan, Penyiaran, dan Iklan Kampanye Pemilihan Umum.

·        Kedua Pihak sepakat untuk saling menukar informasi hasil pemantauan langsung atau pengaduan masyarakat tentang dugaan pelanggaran berkenaan pemberitaan, penyiaran, dan iklam kampanye pemilihan umum

·        Para pihak sepakat mengadakan pertemuan berkala baik dengan atau tanpa melibatkan pemangku kepentingan berkenaan dengan pemberitaan, penyiaran dan iklan kampanye pemilihan umum untuk mengevaluasi dan memberikan umpan balik atas hasil pemantauan.

·        Dalam Pasal 5 MoU antara KPI dan KPU tentang Pengaturan dan Pengawasan Pemberitaan, Penyiaran dan Iklan Kampanye Pemilihan Umum, KPI dapat memberikan bukti kepada KPU berupa siaran-siaran yang dianggap mengandung  pelanggaran pemberitaan kampanye.

·        Sedangkan aturan-aturan tentang Pemberitaan, Penyiaran, dan Iklan Kampanye telah diatur dalam Pasal 36, 37, 38, dan 39 dalam Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum Nomor 1 Tahun 2013 Tentang Pedoman Pelaksanaan Kampanye Pemilihan Umum Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah.

Indonesian- Australia Relation Under Tony Abbott Leadership

Indonesian - Australia Relation Under Tony Abbott Leadership

By David Raja Marpaung

Tony Abbott was elected as the 28th Prime Minister of Australia that brought the Nationalist Party and Liberal coalition. He was elected on 7 September 2013 . Abbott was born in London , England on 4 November 1957 . Before turning to politics , he was a career in journalism as a writer in a newspaper column ' The Australian ' and ' The Bulletin ' . During the three years since 1990 , he became a spokesman and advisor for the current opposition leader , Dr John Hewson . He has a wife named Margaret , and three daughters .

Tony Abbott's political career journey

Under the rule of Prime Minister John Howard in 1996, he was elected as the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Employment , Education , Training and Youth Affairs . In this role , he is responsible for making the Green Corps program for youth . After the 1998 elections , he was appointed Minister for Employment Services , where he was responsible for overseeing the development of trade networks .

January 2001 , Tony was promoted to the Cabinet as Minister of Labour , Employment Relations and Small Business . After the election of 2001 , he was appointed Minister of Employment and Workplace Relations and assist the Prime Minister for the Public Service . Tony has also been appointed as the Minister of Health on October 7, 2003 .

After the election of 2007 , Tony became Shadow Minister for Families , Community Services , Indigenous Affairs and the Voluntary Sector . He became Leader of the Opposition terplih new in December 2009 .




Possibility Relations with Indonesia

A. Issues In Human Trafficking Prevention
Abbott will make his first official overseas visit as prime minister to Indonesia . Abbott will soon visit Indonesia with priority to stop asylum seekers coming to Australia by boat from the waters of Indonesia, including the use of military force . He has stated that the coalition camp will allocate AUS $ 420 million to pay for Indonesian citizens who want to provide information about asylum seekers , as well as to buy a boat that will be hired asylum seekers .

The plan got a strong reaction from a number of observers of foreign relations in Indonesia , one of which is Hikmahanto Juwono of the University of Indonesia . He said the plan was just to teach Indonesian citizens , especially those living in coastal areas will become a spy . He also mentioned plans submitted Abbott policy is not going well in maintaining relations with Indonesia .

B. The presence of U.S. military in Australia
Relations between Indonesia and Australia is likely to be disrupted associated with the placement of the U.S. military in the region and also an increase in capacitance Australia Australian military in keeping its border with Indonesia . Abbott is expected to maintain and even increase the strength of the U.S. military in Australia . The U.S. military itself is planned to reach 2,500 by 2017 .

C. Conservative thought
Abbott will be closer to traditional allies such as Britain and the United States . A columnist likened Tony Abbott in the UK with former U.S. president George W Bush , because it has a strong conservative views .

D. Military relations
Australia will still see Indonesia as an important partner in Central Asia . Abbott will not change military cooperation that has existed between Indonesia and Australia , for example, grants for military Hercules Transport Aircraft .

E. Foreign relations Politics
Tony Abbott has vowed his party would run a foreign policy that is more centered on Jakarta than Geneva . He even insisted that all the Prime Minister of Australia in the future should visit Indonesia to demonstrate the importance of Indonesia and neighboring countries such as ASEAN closest to Australia .

With this statement Abbott stressed that Indonesia is a strategic partner in the regional political stage ( Asia ) , as well as the international level ( global ) . It must be considered is the type of partnership will be built by the Government of Indonesia , is a relationship that is equivalent , or one of the countries will be in a position higher or lower ?

Defense Industry Development Model

Defense Industry Development Model

By David Raja Marpaung

Defense transformation puts military technology as the main variable which shall be allowed Indonesia to conduct military technology revolution.  Capacity development of military technology adoption will depend on the ability of Indonesia to strengthen national defense industries . Development of the defense industry in the East Asian countries shows that there are three main models of the defense industry  (1) . The first model is the autarky model tends to be applied by Japan and China . The second model is a niche production model implemented by Taiwan and South Korea . The third model is a global supply chain models applied by Indonesia, Malaysia , and Singapore .

Autarky model is implemented by a country that has ambitions to gain independence defense . Independence is measured from the defense : (1 ) the capacity of countries to master the technology needed to make military weapons systems , (2 ) national financial capacity to finance the production of weapons systems , and ( 3 ) national industrial capacity to produce weapons systems in the country . Autarky This model will be achieved if a country is able to have a minimum of 70 % capacity of the technology , financial , and production of weapon systems . To achieve self-reliance defense , the state must develop a long-term strategic plan of defense associated with the country's ambitions to become a major military power in the world or regional level .

The long -term commitment , for example , appears from China plans to project themselves into the hegemonic power in 2050. Projections in 2050 , known as the LiuHuaqing plan , has three main targets . In 2000 , China planned to have a capacity Quanli Duoqu ( sea control ) , capacity Quanyu Kongzhi ( sea denial ) in 2020, and capacity Quanzhi Baochi ( global projection ) in 2050.

The operational plan in the defense industry revitalization pass through several methods , namely first , standardization and centralization of procurement adopted since 2002 . Second, the consolidation of the defense industry , particularly by establishing China Aviation Industry Cooperation , and China State Shipbuilding Corporation . Third , the launch of several mega projects like Project 085 to build a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier weighs 93,000 tons . The project is scheduled for completion in 2020 was done by the China State Shipbuilding Corporation in Jiangman , Shanghai . Another project is the 089 project undertaken by Dalian Shipbuilding Industry to build non - nuclear aircraft carrier weighs 48,000 tons, is equipped with fighter aircraft J - 10 -made domestic . Autarky This model is an ideal model for building national defense industry . However , this model can only be achieved by the countries that have the status or ambitions to become a major world power ( great power ) which is supported by a large military posture

Niche - Production Model applied by countries that seek to reduce dependence weapon against foreign manufacturers with developing national capacity to master the main military technology . Mastery of military technology is primarily aimed at helping the country to develop eight types of conventional weapons , namely ( 1 ) small and light weapons , (2 ) the main tank class , (3 ) surface warships , (4 ) submarine ; ( 5 ) aircraft combat ; ( 6 ) attack helicopters ; ( 7 ) missiles , and ( 8 ) military communication systems and sensing .

To implement this model , a country must have a commitment to invest into the defense industrial sector , especially with trying to obtain military technology transfer from established weapons manufacturers . This strategy , for example , is effectively carried out by South Korea to develop surface warships , submarines , tanks , and fighter planes .

For warships , Hyundai Heavy Industries , is developing a Korean Destroyer Destroyer Ship Experiment ( KDX ) King Sejong ( 11000 tonnes ) which is designed to have the technical expertise on the U.S. destroyer ship . DDG - 51 Arleigh Burke and maritime technology developed by Thales ( France ) , BAE ( UK ) , and Raytheon ( United States ) . For Tank , Hyundai Rotem has developed an equivalent K1A1 Tank M1 Abrams or the Leopard 2A6 . Tank K1A1diproduksi by Hyundai Rotem in cooperation with the tank manufacturers in the world such as Rheinmetall Land Systems and General Dynamics Land Systems .

To make the future Korean fighter Fighter Experiment ( KFX ) IFX , Korea Aerospace Industries involving other aerospace industry . KAI has only 63% of the technology needed to make K / IFX and should involve the Turkish Aerospace Industries , Saab , Boeing , and Lockheed Martin to acquire other technologies .

Opportunities to get this technology transfer can be enlarged mainly by exploiting the emergence of the consumer market gap in the international arms market . International arms market consists of two characters : the consumer market ( buyers market) and market producers ( suppliers market ) . Consumer market is characterized by high supply weapons weapons while demand tends to be low . This condition tends to occur when the situation created by the peace dividend ( peace gains that occur when there is a war to peace transition ) and tends to favor buyers weapons . Manufacturers market characterized by high demand while supply weapons weapons tend to be limited . This condition tends to occur when the crisis broke out in an area or when the countries in the region to modernize the military that led to the arms race . Markets tend to favor producers of weapons manufacturers .

Currently , the global arms market is likely to lead to consumer markets . There are three indications to support this , namely : ( 1 ) the producer countries have weapons with old technology base that must be sold before the new generation of emerging weapons . For example , the emergence of next-generation fighter V ( F22/F35/Euro Fighters ) in 2013-2027 will force major manufacturers ( Lockheed Martins , BAE , EADS ) to immediately sell the fourth -generation fighter aircraft ( F16 , Typhoon , Mirage 2000 ) , (2 ) regional security situation ( East Asia ) is relatively stable and has not led to a crisis which will provoke significant military development occurs , (3 ) the world economic crisis ( the U.S. and European debt crisis ) will affect the defense spending cuts , so the manufacturers were forced to delay the development of next-generation weapons new , and tend to rely on the transitional revenue generation from the sale of long guns .

Because the consumer market is created , then the consumer countries tend to have a bargaining position better than to get a weapon system . For grants from the U.S. F - 16 , for example , the U.S. and Indonesia could ask Lockheed Martins for providing special facilities , such as ( a) the financial support package that is lighter to grant F - 16 , (b ) grant a more complete package that includes training , ammunition , regular maintenance , to transfer technology , (c ) technology transfer mechanisms are equipped with defense industry cooperation in the form of co -production , joint production , or license , and ( d ) off - set mechanism ( counter trade ) to save foreign exchange .

When the consumer market is created , manufacturers tend not to have a strong position to push for a state buyers adopt a code of conduct is strictly regulated arms trade in the Code Arias . In fact , manufacturers should compete to offer special facilities . Russia offers loan facilities are equipped with state - set off mechanism . European Consortium offers a mechanism that relies on a strategic partnership mechanism between EADS joint -production with the domestic defense industry . To grant F - 16 to Indonesia , U.S. offers special facilities such as Foreign Military Financing accompanied by technology transfer facilities to improve qualifications F - 16 fighter that could match the qualifications possessed by technologies such as Singapore and Taiwan .

Character of the consumer market in the global arms market tends to be short-lived . This character will only last until the producers in the U.S. and Western Europe out of the debt crisis is expected to be completed from 2015 to 2017 . This character will also be shifted to the character of the market as a manufacturer of weapons manufacturers are ready to launch a new generation of weapons that will make the older generation of weapons is no longer relevant to the dynamics of weapons technology . For aircraft , the shift to a market producer is expected to occur between the years 2015-2017 at the V generation fighter began to be marketed by the U.S. , Russia , and Western Europe . Strategic gap emergence of consumer market that allows a country to establish a niche -production models to seek the transfer of technology in every weapon procurement contracts . This technology transfer will be transformed into a major military technological mastery that allows a country to strengthen the national defense industry .

Global Supply Chain Model tend to be carried out by countries that already have an established base of military technology but do not have great access to the international arms market . This lack of access makes these countries undertake rationalization of the production process by integrating the production of weapons of weapons to a consortium of global defense industry . This rationalization is done by three main methods , namely ( 1 ) the creation of an industry consortium weapons at level regional or global , (2 ) the mobilization of financial resources from the private sector to finance cross-border investment in the defense industry sector , and ( 3 ) deployment of military technology to the major arms producers consortium members .

This model , among others , performed by the Australian has consolidated the Australian Defense Industry with Thales (France ) , Australian Aerospace Industry with EADS , with BAE and Tenix Defence ( UK ) . The same is done by Singapore with developing cooperation between Thales and Singapore Technologies Engineering ( STEngg ) to make components for the communication and pengindraaan Lafayette -class warships Fregate . Cooperation initidak just make STEngg as part of the production chain Thales , but also part of the production chain European warships are utilizing technology from Thales .Of the three existing models , the model is an ideal model autarky to gain independence defense . This model can only be achieved by the countries that have the status or ambitions to become a major world power ( great power ) which is supported by a large military posture .

To be able to apply these models , four strategies should be applied in Indonesia : 

First , formulate a long-term strategic plan of defense . The strategic plan should be able to describe the three major planning , namely : ( 1 ) The evolution of Indonesian military forces became a major power in East Asia . Evolution is not just describe the minimum target for Defence Forces in 2024 , but also the defense posture development plan to 2050 , (2 ) Defense Industry Revitalization Blueprint which contains the Public Policy Development Defence Industry , Defence Industry Revitalization Strategy 2024, and the Defence Industry Self-Reliance Program 2050 and ( 3 ) Procurement Plan 2024 Alusista disaggregated form Alutsista Procurement Plan 2012-2014 , 2014-2019 , and 2019-2024 .

Second, establish a long-term political commitment to ensure budget sustainability defense industry development programs . Political commitment of the budget is done by setting a target allocation of the defense budget to GDP has gradually increased from 1 % of GDP in 2014 to the 2.5 % of GDP in 2024.

Political commitment budget must also be accompanied by the formulation of procurement contracts that are medium-term mega projects of the government to the defense industry . This mega project aimed to build conventional weapons systems such as fighter aircraft , surface warships , submarines , tanks , attack helicopters , and missiles in large numbers so as to provide certainty and continuity of the production process for the national defense industry . Nominal value of procurement contracts must also gradually increased from 10% of the value of all arms procurement in 2014, to a minimum of 30 % in 2024.

Third , consolidate national defense industry by establishing two strategic consortium , which is a consortium of national aviation industry (national aerospace industry) and a consortium of industry and maritime national defense ( national maritime and defense industry) . The second consortium should establish national defense equipment production chain involving other national industries , including small - and medium industries .

Fourth , alliance defense industry pioneer in regional and global levels , increasing the likelihood for Indonesia to quickly adopt the latest military technology into the procurement process . The adoption of this technology is a method for implementing niche -production model that can be used as a transition stage to achieve the independence of Indonesia's defense . This alliance was also formed to increase market access weapons that allow national defense industry to be part of the global production chain . The method relies on the application of global supply chains can also be used as a model for the transition stage of development of national defense industry .

The fourth strategy was formulated to ensure the existence of a strong political commitment to establish the independence of Indonesia's defense industry . If the political will can be realized , the development of the national defense industry could be used to initiate the transformation over the defense which makes military capabilities as a determinant of technology adoption to build a modern defense force in the XXI century 

(1) Andi Widjajanto. “Revolusi Teknologi Militer dan Kemandirian Industri Pertahanan Indonesia”, Jurnal Pertahanan, Mei 2012, Vol. 2, No. 2, p. 7.

Quo Vadis Indonesia

Quo Vadis Indonesia

Kegagalan pemerintahan SBY-Boediono

Oleh David Raja Marpaung

1. Kementerian di Bawah Pemerintahan SBY saat ini banyak yang terlibat skandal korupsi. Misalnya di Kemenakertrans, Kementrian Pertanian, Kemendiknas dan Kemenpora, Kepolisian, dll. Berdasarkan Keterangan dari Kejaksaan Agung tahun 2013, Perkara korupsi di Indonesia per tahun mencapai 1.600 hingga 1.700 perkara. Jumlah ini menduduki peringkat kedua di dunia setelah China yang mencapai 4.500 perkara

2. Pemerintah gagal menyelesaikan karut-marut masalah TKI. Badan Nasional Penempatan dan Perlindungan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia (BNP2TKI) melansir sepanjang 2012 terdapat 329 TKI yang meninggal dunia. Kerusuhan di Konjen Jeddah baru-baru ini juga menunjukkan ketidak beresan pemerintah mengurus TKI

3. Produktivitas kinerja para menteri di Kabinet Indonesia Bersati jilid II menurun. Hasil survey Lingkaran Survey Indonesia (LSI) pada 2013 menunjukan bahwa tingkat kepuasan publik terhadap kinerja Kabinet Indonesia Bersatu II sangat rendah. Dari 1200 responden, hanya 34,32 persen yang merasa puas terhadap kinerja kabinet secara keseluruhan. Sebanyak "57,78 persen merasa tidak puas

4.Maraknya Kasus Kekerasan Sosial yang tidak terkendali. Dari tahun 2004 hingga 2013, rata-rata kasus kekerasan terjasi 210 kasus per tahun. Kekerasan dilandasi alas an SARA, isu primordial, dan kekerasan horizontal lainnya.

5. Tidak selesainya kasus mega skandal Century. Kasus yang diduga melibatkan Wapres Boediono dan mantan Menkeu Sri Mulyani itu tidak jelas juntrungannya. Kerugian akibat Korupsi Bank Century mencapai Rp 6,7 triliun

6. Di bawah kepemimpinan SBY banyak aset-aset kekayaan alam yang jatuh ke tangan asing, seperti tambang emas di Timika, Teluk Natuna dan Blok Cepu.
7.  Rezim SBY gagal meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat, dengan tak tercukupinya lapangan kerja.  saat ini jumlah penduduk mencapai 250 juta, maka jumlah orang miskin setelah kenaikan BBM menjadi 30,250 juta orang. jumlah orang miskin pada tahun ini akan naik dari 10,5 persen menjadi 12,1 persen. Sedangkan jumlah pengangguran mencapai lebih dari 7 juta jiwa

8. Rezim SBY mengalami kegagalan birokrasi. Buktinya, 148 kepala daerah saat ini menjadi tersangka korupsi, diantaranya adalah 17 gubernur.

9. Rezim SBY gagal dalam mengawal transisi demorkasi. System yang dikontruksi oleh rezim SBY menciptakan Negara oligarki baru yang di sebut rulling oligarki dalam tatanan politik dan demorkasi semu. Demokrasi yang subtansinya kebebasan untuk mewujudkan kesejahteraan hanya dijadikan alat untuk melegitimasi perselingkuhan penguasa dalam menggerogoti kekayaan Negara yang kemudian dikanalisasi untuk kelompok-kelompok elit. Koalisi pemerintahan dibangun atas dasar pragmatisme, pembagian kue kekuasaan sehingga melupakan rakyat.

10. Rezim SBY  gagal mengelola distribusi perekonomian. Pertumbuhan ekonomi timpang, terkonsentrasi di Pulau Jawa dengan kontribusi terhadap PDB sekitar 57,8 persen, sementara daerah lain berbagi sisa 42,2 persen.Selain itu, investasi juga menunjukkan masih ada ketimpangan antar wilayah, baik untuk penanaman modal dalam negeri maupun asing. Investasi didominasi sektor tersier, yang berarti menggunakan impor konten.

11. SBY Gagal menyelesaikan kasus Lumpur Lapindo yang dijanjikan akan selesai pada waktu pencalonan presiden tahun 2009. Hingga kini 4.260 korban belum memperoleh ganti rugi.

Membangun Keperecayaan Jakarta-Papua

Membangun Keperecayaan Jakarta-Papua

Oleh David Raja Marpaung

          Salah satu isu atau tema penting dalam politik di Indonesia ialah rendahnya kepercayaan antara Jakarta dan Papua. Dua faktor utama ketidakpercayaan ini adalah rakyat papua menganggap pemerintah pusat atau Jakarta sebagai penipu yang suka mengumbar janji dan tidak konsisten melaksanakan berbagai kebijakan yang telah dibuat. Di sisi lain, pemerintah Jakarta hingga kini masih menaruh rasa curiga yang besar pada rakyat Papua yang dikenai stigma sebagai separatis, serta adanya upaya sistematis menghambat karier orang Papua dalam politik dan pemerintahan.

         

          Kecurigaan ini jelas merupakan hal yang salah. Pemerintah pusat atau Jakarta seharusnya berusaha melindungi setiap warga Negara Indonesia tanpa memandang asal sukunya, serta memberikan kesmpatan yang sama untuk hidup dan berkarya. Di lain sisi, sikap orang Papua yang sudah antipati dan terkesan enggan memberikan kesempatan lagi kepada pemerintah pusat juga tidak benar. Harus ada koordinasi pembagunan antara pusat dan daerah dalam sinergi yang saling menguntungkan.

          Salah kegagalan pembangunan Papua yang memancing banyak konflik dan berujung pada ketidak percayaan adalah pelaksanaan otonomi khusus, yang sebenarnya bertujuan mensejahterakan rakyat. Otonomi khusus (otsus) telah dilaksanakan di Papua sejak 2001. Sejak otsus berjalan, kucuran dana dari pemerintah pusat melalui dana alokasi umum (DAU), dana alokasi khusus (DAK), dana otonomi khusus, serta dana tambahan infrastruktur terus meningkat. Total dana otsus yang telah dikucurkan sejak 2002 sampai 2011 mencapai 32 triliun rupiah, namun mayoritas rakyat di Papua masih bergelut dengan kemiskinan. Jumlah penduduk miskin di Papua mencapai 944 ribu jiwa atau 32 persen dari total penduduk. Sementara rata-rata angka penduduk nasional ialah 12 persen. Hal ini berarti  persentase orang miskin di Papua mencapai tiga kali lipat dibandingkan rata-rata provinsi lainnya. Suatu hal yang memilukan bagi daerah yang memiliki kekayaan sumber daya alam yang begitu melimpah.

          Untuk membangun kembali kepercayaan antara Jakarta dan Papua, ada beberapa hal yang dapat dilakukan, baik dalam jangka pendek maupun jangka panjang.

A. Solusi Jangka Pendek

Dalam periode jangka pendek, ada dua hal yang harus mendapatkan perhatian para pemangku kepentingan dalam konflik di Papua.

Tahap 1. Desekuritisasi Konflik Papua

·        Harus dicatat bahwa desekuritisasi bukan berarti pengurangan secara total aparat keamanan di Papua. Akan tetapi, desekuritisasi merupakan model pendekatan keamanan yang lebih sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi dan resolusi konflik damai. Terkait dengan TNI maka desekuritisasi mencakup TIGA aspek utama. Pertama, setiap penempatan (deployment) personel TNI di Papua harus melalui keputusan politik antara pemerintah dan DPR atau sesuai dengan mekanisme yang diamanatkan UU TNI. Ini penting untuk menghindari terjadinya perilaku/operasi yang illegal. Kedua, penempatan personel TNI di Papua harus terukur baik itu kuantitas, kualitas, durasi dan target operasinya sehingga masyarakat Indonesia secara keseluruhan dapat mengawasi kinerja TNI di Papua. Kemudian, ketiga, TNI harus sedapat mungkin menggunakan pendekatan-pendekatan non-kekerasan (lebih persuasif ketimbang represif) di Papua. Hal ini sangat penting, mengingat wajah ‘Indonesia’ di Papua seringkali dikenali hanya sebatas kekerasan aparat bukan sebagai entitas yang melindungi segenap rakyat Papua.

·        Terkait dengan aparat penegak hukum (kepolisian) maka mereka harus sesegera mungkin mengevaluasi kebijakan pengamanan di Papua. Seringkali, aparat penegak hukum bertindak tidak sesuai dengan identitasnya sebagai aparat negara khususnya dalam konteks kepentingan korporasi asing di Papua. Akibatnya, tidak mengherankan ketika masih ada rakyat Papua yang beranggapan bahwa aparat penegak hukum di Indonesia adalah bentuk ‘penjajahan’ terhadap tanah Papua bukan ‘Ke-Indonesia-an’ karena rasa keadilan mereka dicederai. Praktek diskriminatif oleh aparat ini harus dievaluasi oleh pemerintah karena akan semakin memperburuk wajah ‘Indonesia’ di Papua.

·        Selain itu, Pemerintah dapat menggunakan instrumen kontrol internal dalam mengawasi kinerja aparat negara di Papua, misalnya dengan menempatkan perwakilan/kantor Komnas  HAM,   Ombudsman,  Kompolnas,  LPSK  di  Papua;  Hal ini dapat efektif sebagai lembaga negara yang bertugas memberi koreksi kepada lembaga negara lainnya sekaligus memberi rasa aman bagi rakyat Papua.

·        Secara strategis, desekuritisasi akan menumbuhkan rasa saling percaya baik itu antara pemerintah dan rakyat Papua bahwa konflik dapat diselesaikan tanpa adanya rasa saling curiga lewat dominasi pendekatan keamanan. Hal ini kemudian mendorong terbentuknya tahap berikut.

·         

Tahap 2. Memperkuat wacana Dialog sebagai resolusi konflik 

·        Baik itu pemerintah pusat dan rakyat Papua harus sadar bahwa dialog adalah model resolusi konflik yang menempati prioritas utama. Pemerintah harus berbesar hati untuk menyadari bahwa selama ini telah terjadi marjinalisasi secara politik, sosial, ekonomi dan budaya terhadap rakyat Papua dalam konteks Ke-Indonesia-an. Sementara itu, rakyat Papua juga harus menyadari bahwa jalan kekerasan bukanlah satu-satunya cara untuk mengingatkan kelalaian pemerintah tersebut. Membangun kesadaran ini merupakan kunci bagi kedua belah pihak (pemerintah dan rakyat Papua) untuk dapat duduk bersama dan membicarakan solusi yang bisa ditawarkan.

·        Wacana dialog harus mendapatkan legitimasi dari kedua belah pihak, bukan dari satu pihak semata untuk menghindari terjadinya politisasi upaya damai dari salah satu pihak.

B. Solusi Jangka Panjang

Ketika desekuritisasi konflik Papua telah diterapkan dan wacana dialog semakin menguat, maka tahapan berikutnya adalah melaksanakan dialog yang mencakup tiga tahap:

Tahap 1. Identifikasi aktor dan isu dalam Dialog

·        Dalam konteks dialog, identifikasi aktor menjadi proses awal yang akan menentukan legitimasi dari dialog tersebut. Hal ini penting untuk mencegah adanya pihak-pihak yang merasa disisihkan dari resolusi konflik dan berpotensi mengacaukan dialog.

·        Identifikasi aktor tersebut harus secara hati-hati mempertimbangkan isu yang akan dibicarakan dan kepentingan yang akan dinegosiasikan dalam dialog.

·        Selain itu, perlu juga diperhatikan mengenai lokasi dialog yang representatif serta mediator sebagai pengamat/pihak yang menjaga agar agenda dialog tetap konsisten.

Tahap 2. Pentingnya Rekonsiliasi dalam Dialog

·        Tujuan utama dialog adalah membangun rasa saling percaya antara aktor yang berkonflik agar mau membicarakan solusi konflik yang dapat disepakati bersama.

·        Salah satu unsur utama untuk membangun rasa saling percaya tersebut adalah melalui rekonsiliasi.

·        Rekonsiliasi mensyaratkan adanya pemahaman bersama antara pihak yang berkonflik bahwa mereka adalah ‘korban’ dari konflik dengan kekerasan yang terjadi.

·        Oleh karena itu, upaya menyelesaikan konflik dengan jalan kekerasan hanya akan menambah korban dimasing-masing pihak tanpa ada solusi yang konstruktif untuk masa depan Papua.

Tahap 3. Membangun Pemahaman bahwa Dialog bersifat keberlanjutan (kontinuitas)

·        Dialog bukanlah cara cepat (instant) untuk menyelesaikan konflik. Akan tetapi, dialog adalah cara mengelola konflik yang lebih bermartabat ketimbang menggunakan kekerasan yang hanya akan menimbulkan kerugian pada masing-masing pihak.

·        Model cara berpikir (mindset) seperti ini harus mendominasi setiap aktor dalam dialog agar tidak kembali lagi menggunakan kekerasan ketika terjadi deadlock dalam negosiasi. Diharapkan ketika terjadi deadlock dalam negosiasi, maka setiap aktor harus menahan diri dan mengagendakan kembali dialog dengan pikiran yang lebih jernih.

Kunci Keberhasilan Resolusi Konflik di Papua

·        Resolusi konflik di Papua bukan hanya milik pemerintah Pusat dan Rakyat Papua semata, akan tetapi tanggung jawab seluruh rakyat Indonesia. Disini, pentingnya memperkuat kesadaran dari seluruh rakyat Indonesia bahwa identitas ‘Ke-Indonesia-an’ di Papua telah tersandera oleh aksi kekerasan dalam konflik. Oleh karenanya, upaya perdamaian non-kekerasan untuk konflik di Papua harus mendapatkan dukungan penuh dari seluruh rakyat Indonesia.

·        Sebagai sebuah negara yang demokratis, maka cara-cara penyelesaian konflik lewat kekerasan di Indonesia sudah sepatutnya tidak menjadi prioritas. Sebaliknya, penyelesaian konflik harus menempatkan cara-cara damai khususnya melalui dialog. Baik itu pemerintah maupun kelompok-kelompok yang terlibat dalam konflik di Papua harus menghentikan semua aksi kekerasan dengan alasan apapun.

Catatan Penutup

·        Penyelesaian konflik di Papua adalah salah satu ujian besar bagi Bangsa Indonesia untuk mampu menyelesaikan konflik secara bermartabat. Dalam konteks ini, setidaknya Indonesia telah memiliki pengalaman dalam menyelesaikan konflik di Aceh secara damai.

·        Bertumpu hanya pada pemerintah semata tidak akan menjamin bahwa masalah Papua dapat diselesaikan secara damai. Akan tetapi, yang lebih penting lagi adalah memperkuat solidaritas dan soliditas seluruh elemen Bangsa Indonesia untuk mendukung dan terlibat secara nyata (konkret) dalam upaya resolusi konflik yang bermartabat untuk saudara-saudara kita di Papua. 

Yeonpyeong Conflict and Its Impact on Security Stability of Korean Peninsula

By David Raja Marpaung

      The two Korean conflict, namely North Korea and South Korea because of a claim of ownership that occurred on Yeonpyeong island territories occurred around the end of last year (end of 2010). But this conflict is not only triggered by territorial claims issues, further conflict also triggered because of the joint military exercise between South Korea and the U.S. in the Yellow Sea.

Yeonpyeong issue is a matter of history the Cold War legacy. When the Korean War end with the signing of   Korean Armistice Agreement, August, 1953. The problem is, that the boundary line by the U.S. and South Korea it is called de ¬ with the name of the Northern Limit Line (Northern Limit Line) is very close to land with area separating North and island in the waters with the island of North Korea. North Korea since the Korean War offer line in the West Sea border is more neutral, snaking diagonally across the snaking up the lines 38 and 37 North latitude . However, the request does not get a serious response from the South Korean side.

The territorial issues more sharply when South Korea held military exercises with the U.S. coalition in the region nearest the Yellow Sea. This problem gets worse when North Korea launched a missile attack that bombarded the island of Yeonpyeong in late 2010. Given these events, security and stability of East Asia re-experience shock and lead to open conflict between the two Koreas. Of course the two Korean conflict will affect the strategic environment of the countries in East Asia such as China, Japan, and to a certain degree that is Taiwan.

Two Korean crisis and the action of the international community and the U.S.

Of the events above, of course the interesting question is, why there is no significant action against Yeonpyeong incident? Although a variety of responses in the form of criticism has attended various international community comment color in various international media. At least there are two actions that are common in the international community when there is a country that violates international norms. First, the economic embargo and military. 

This is of course already implemented under President Bush, that North Korea felt a significant impact on the economy. North Korea's economy collapsed, making this country have no choice, other than nuclear and missile tests. North Korea exports only U.S. 1.5 billion. This number is very far compared to South Korea's exports reached U.S. $ 326 billion per year. Here is the sum of exports and imports of North Korea. In addition to the decline of the North Korean economy, the issue of Yeonpyeong become rigid because South Korea is not interested in negotiating. This is because the leaders of both countries of North Korea Kim Jong Il and South Korean Lee Myung Bak did not want to open up a dialogue.

Radicalism and Threat to National Security

Radicalism and Threat to National Security

By David Raja Marpaung

The high level of poverty cause a problem to the existence of the poor. So easy for them fall into a variety of adverse actions and disobeying the law. Motor Gank for example, at specific level, up to the forums to violent groups just to show an existence.

When that happens and the people gathered in the lower level of a particular group and tend to perform an action that is anarchic, it is very difficult for authorities to control various anarchist activities undertaken by these groups. Surely this anarchy to be a threat to stability and national security.

At least there are some events radicalism and anarchism mass media spotlight in recent months; events in Ampera mass anarchism (in front of the South Jakarta District Court), and the violence that occurred in Jakarta undertaken Radical groups such as community organizations such as FBR and FPI. In 2007, there were 10 acts of violence by FPI. In 2008 there were 8 acts of violence by FPI and FBR. In 2009, there were 40 actions by FPI, FBR and Barisan Youth Betawi and in 2010 there were 49 actions by FPI. The large number of violent anarchism is an indicator of why potentially be a threat to national security.

Solution offer

Wide mapping of problems then we can conclude that in general, the problem that occurs is the marginalization of certain groups in the context of economic, social, legal and political.Marginalization problem is closely related to the issue of 'access', meaning that there are problems in the limited access which then restrict certain groups to participate in the dynamic economic, social, legal and political. Therefore, the primary solution should be emphasized by the government is reducing the form of limited access to economic, social, legal and political.

Access limitations can be overcome for example by increasing the number of jobs, improve the quantity and quality of social facilities as a means of actualizing the community, improving the legal services that improve accountability and justice as well as the articulation of political channels that exist.

As a closing note, the rampant growth of the movement and radical groups in Indonesia also influenced by the kind of 'neglect' of the state apparatus so that there is the impression that their existence is socially normal. Is something wrong if the state apparatus, especially the law enforcement keep a distance from the radical group's activities for fear of being labeled as violators of democracy and freedom of association. Conversely, every law enforcement officers should be able to act decisively in the action against the radical groups in accordance with applicable law corridor because after all, democracy and freedom in the organization in Indonesia is currently subject to the rule of law that is not infiltrated by anarchism and violence.

The Urgency of Protocol to Legislative 

By David Raja Marpaung

       The word comes from the Greek Protocol Protos: which means "the first", and "Kolla", which means glue or adhesive. As a whole, the protocol can be interpreted as the first piece of the order or decision of the king to the people.

In the Encyclopedia Britannica, 1962, the definition of the protocol is as:

"Protocol is a ceremonial body of rules to be observed in all official written or personal intercourse between the different heads of states or their Ministers, it lays down the styles and titles of states or their Ministers and indicates the forms and customary courtesies to be observed in all international acts "

(A protocol is a set of ceremonial rules in all official activities organized written and practiced, which includes the forms of respect for the country, as head of state or minister positions commonly found in all activities between nations)

Protocol definitions used in all process state is also contained in the legislation or law in Indonesia. Under Law No. 9 of 2010 Concerning Protocol, in Article 1, paragraph 1; Protocol is a series of activities related to the rules of the formal state occasion or event which includes Tata place, Tata Ceremony, and Tata Respect as a tribute to someone according to the position and / or position in the state, government, or society.

The existence of this protocol sendriri rule is not without meaning. Protocol turned out to have a purpose, among others:

a) paying tribute to State Officials, Government Officials, representatives of foreign countries and / or international organizations, as well as Community Leader Specific, and / or guests in the State in accordance with the position of the state, government, and society;

b) provide guidelines for the implementation of a program to run orderly, neat, smooth, and regular in accordance with the applicable rules and customs, both nationally and internationally, and

c) create good relations between nations in the governance of the association.

Once the importance of protocol problems, so this should be emphasized in the explanation of the Act Protocol; explained the importance or urgency of the protocol that the State respect the position of the State Officials, Government Officials, representatives of foreign countries and / or international organizations, and community leaders with Tata Specific regulation of Protocol . Protocol settings is needed to adjust to the dynamics of a growing and developing in the state system, culture, and traditions of the nation.

At the operational level, the importance of a protocol are:

1. Also determine the creation of atmosphere / climate that affect the success of a business.

2. Creating the association are closer to each other and can be accepted by all parties, although it contains elements that restrict personal movement.

3. Creation of a solemn ceremony, orderly, and well

4. The creation of the protection.

5. Creation of order and security in performing their duties.

With the development tekini, the protocols in the world in general has a duty commonly encountered are:

1. Compile a list with all levels.

2. Compile / make invitations

3. Regulate the location and completeness of the event / ceremony.

4. Arrange events

5. Prepare and complete event / ceremony

6. Ensuring a comfortable atmosphere / place for the invited

7. Dividing the task.

Protocols and Rights of State Officials

The protocol is important because it involves the imaging and rights owned by the person who held the position of either the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Here is seen the degree to which the person is respected or not, important or not important is determined by the protocol. For example, when members of Parliament traveling overseas for a working visit, the state attended a welcome member of the Indonesian parliament through protocol events in each event to nationality.

Thus, in a state occasion or formal event, state officials, government officials who do not earn respect and appropriate treatment protocol is a violation of his position on charges of "abuse of office".

In the world of protocol, known what obless Nobless name, it means that every nobleman (in the present state officials or government officials), it is obliged to uphold the commitment that all of it is set in great detail in the protocol, which means sitting arranged, how talk and so on.

In Law No. 9 of 2010, listed in Article 9 that the chairman, vice chairman, and a member of the legislature has the right to place in the Event Planning and Events Official State in the Capital of the Republic of Indonesia. So that each member of the MPR, DPR, DPD and should have a prominent place in every state occasion and formal ceremony was held in the Republic of Indonesia.

To implement the protocol field, in Indonesia, each state institutions such as the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the House of Representatives (DPR), and the Regional Representative Council (DPD) has a Head of Protocol. In areas with a combined protocol Bureau of Public Relations.

Based on the above; important role in the activities of organizations such as the protocol legislature must be addressed and managed professionally. Knowledge of protocol to be very important because it is essentially a protocol service activities socially appropriate norms and rules of both national and international, so as to achieve the satisfaction of all parties.

 Pentingnya Potokol di Lingkungan Legislatif

Oleh David Raja Marpaung[1]

Kata Protokol berasal dari Bahasa Yunani Protos:  yang berarti “yang pertama”, dan “Kolla”, yang bermakna  lem atau perekat. Secara utuh, protokol dapat diartikan sebagai lembaran pertama dari perintah atau keputusan raja kepada rakyatnya.

Dalam Encyclopedia Britannica 1962, definisi protokol adalah sebagai berikut:

“Protokol is a body of ceremonial rules to be observed in all written or personal official intercourse between the heads of different states or their ministers, it lays down the styles and titles of states or their ministers and indicates the forms and customary courtesies to be observed in all international acts”

            (Protokol adalah serangkaian aturan-aturan keupacaraan dalam segala kegiatan resmi yang diatur secara  tertulis maupun dipraktekan, yang meliputi bentuk-bentuk penghormatan terhadap negara, jabatan kepala negara atau jabatan menteri yang lazim dijumpai dalam seluruh kegiatan antar bangsa)

           

Definisi protokol yang dipakai di dalam segala proses kenegaraan juga terdapat dalam perundangan atau hukum di Indonesia. Berdasarkan UU Nomor 9 Tahun 2010 Tentang Keprotokolan, dalam Pasal 1 ayat 1;   Keprotokolan adalah serangkaian kegiatan yang berkaitan dengan aturan dalam acara kenegaraan atau acara resmi yang meliputi Tata Tempat, Tata Upacara, dan Tata Penghormatan sebagai bentuk penghormatan kepada seseorang sesuai dengan jabatan dan/atau kedudukannya dalam negara, pemerintahan, atau masyarakat.

Keberadaan aturan protokol ini sendriri bukannya tanpa makna. Protokol ternyata memiliki tujuan yang antara  lain :

a)    memberikan penghormatan kepada Pejabat Negara, Pejabat Pemerintahan, perwakilan Negara asing dan/atau organisasi internasional, serta Tokoh Masyarakat Tertentu, dan/atau Tamu Negara sesuai dengan kedudukan dalam negara, pemerintahan, dan masyarakat;

b)    memberikan pedoman penyelenggaraan suatu acara agar berjalan tertib, rapi, lancar, dan teratur sesuai dengan ketentuan dan kebiasaan yang berlaku, baik secara nasional maupun internasional; dan

c)    menciptakan hubungan baik dalam tata pergaulan antarbangsa.

Begitu pentingnya masalah protokol, sehingga hal ini harus ditekankan dalam penjelasan UU Keprotokolan; dijelaskan pentingnya atau urgensi dari keprotokolan bahwa Negara menghormati kedudukan para Pejabat Negara, Pejabat Pemerintahan, perwakilan negara asing dan/atau organisasi internasional, serta Tokoh Masyarakat Tertentu dengan Tata Pengaturan mengenai Keprotokolan. Pengaturan Keprotokolan tersebut perlu disesuaikan dengan dinamika yang tumbuh dan berkembang dalam sistem ketatanegaraan, budaya, dan tradisi bangsa.

Di dalam level operasional, pentingnya suatu protokol adalah:

1. Ikut menentukan terciptanya suasana/iklim yang mempengaruhi keberhasilan suatu usaha.
2. Menciptakan tata pergaulan yang mendekatkan satu sama lain dan dapat diterima oleh semua pihak, walaupun mengandung unsur-unsur yang membatasi gerak pribadi.
3. Terciptanya suatu upacara yang khidmat, tertib, dan lancar
4. Terciptanya pemberian perlindungan.
5. Terciptanya ketertiban dan rasa aman dalam menjalankan tugas.

Dengan perkembangan tekini, maka protokol di seluruh dunia secara umum di memiliki tugas yang biasa ditemui adalah:

1.    Menyusun daftar tamu dengan segala tingkatannya.

2.    Menyusun/membuat undangan

3.    Mengatur lokasi dan kelengkapan acara/upacara.

4.     Menyusun acara

5.    Menyiapkan lokasi dan kelengkapan acara/upacara

6.    Mengusahakan kenyamanan suasana/tempat bagi yang diundang

7.    Membagi tugas.

Protokol dan Hak Pejabat Negara

Protokol itu memang penting karena menyangkut pencitraan dan hak yang dimiliki pada seseorang yang menjabat posisi baik lembaga eksekutif, legislatif, maupun yudikatif. Disinilah terlihat tingkat dimana orang itu dihormati atau tidak, penting atau tidak pentingnya ditentukan oleh protokol. Misalnya ketika anggota DPR berkunjung ke luar negeri untuk kunjungan kerja, negara yang didatangi menyambut anggota parlemen dari Indonesia melalui acara keprotokolan dalam setiap acara ke negaraan.

Dengan demikian, Dalam suatu acara kenegaraan atau acara resmi, pejabat negara, pejabat pemerintah yang tidak memperoleh penghormatan dan perlakuan protokol sesuai kedudukannya adalah merupakan pelanggaran dengan tuduhan “pelecehan jabatan”.

Dalam dunia protokol, dikenal apa yang namanya nobless obless, itu artinya bahwa setiap bangsawan (dalam kekinian pejabat negara atau pejabat pemerintahan), itu berkewajiban menjunjung tinggi komitmen yang semuanya itu diatur dengan sangat detil didalam protokol, dimana cara duduk saja diatur sedemikian rupa, cara bicara dan sebagainya.

Di dalam UU Nomor 9 tahun 2010, dalam pasal 9 tercantum bahwa ketua, wakil ketua, dan juga anggota lembaga legislatif memiliki hak dalam Tata Tempat dalam Acara Kenegaraan dan Acara Resmi di Ibukota Negara Republik Indonesia. Sehingga setiap anggota MPR, DPR, dan DPD harus memiliki tempat terhormat dalam setiap acara kenegaraan dan acara resmi yang diadakan di Republik Indonesia.

Untuk melaksanakan bidang keprotokolan, di Indonesia, masing-masing lembaga tinggi negara seperti Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR), Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR), dan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD) memiliki Kepala Biro Protokol. Di daerah-daerah biro protokol digabung dengan Biro Humas.  

Berdasarkan uraian di atas; pentingnya peranan  keprotokolan dalam aktifitas organisasi seperti lembaga legislatif harus mendapat  perhatian dan dikelola secara profesional. Pengetahuan keprotokolan menjadi amat penting karena pada hakekatnya keprotokolan merupakan kegiatan pelayanan sesuai norma dan kaidah pergaulan nasional maupun internasional, sehingga dapat tercapai kepuasan semua pihak.

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[1] Staff Ahli Pimpinan Komisi I DPR RI ( Peratahanan, Intelijen, Hubungan Luar Negeri, Informasi dan Teknologi Komunikasi)