Wednesday, November 23, 2011

The threat of USA Military Base in Darwin, Australia

The threat of USA Military Base in Darwin, Australia
by David King Marpaung S. M. Def IP **

(Recommendation Paper)

U.S. President Barack Obama and Australian Prime Minister Gillard announced that the U.S. will add strength marines from initially 250 to 2,500 personnel by 2012. Obama explained that the area is very important such as one of the busiest seaways in the world to support economic activity in the region. For Obama, the position of Darwin as a city located in northern Australia is very strategic, especially because of some critical events such as the Bali bombings, tsunami in Aceh, and also conflict in East Timor at the past.

Construction of military bases in Darwin is not exactly a strange thing and suddenly happen. Since the 1970s, Darwin Australia is the United States intelligence base for the Asia Pacific region. It is, is because the China economically and military become strong and stronger recently, and American forces increasingly unpopular in Japan and South Korea. With the rampant cases of rape by U.S. soldiers in Japan and Korea, as well as horizontal conflicts that often occur, it will be ensured for the long-term U.S. "forced" to relocate its troops from both countries.

From the standpoint of defense and security, development bases in Darwin will change the map of power in the Asia Pacific region, and of course also Southeast Asia, where U.S. troops will be able to get to the entire region in just a matter of minutes to two hours. In particular, this U.S. action got negative hints from Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao. In his speech when speaking in the opening of the ASEAN-China Summit, Wen said that China and ASEAN countries have agreed to implement the Declaration Follow-Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, so it does not need any outside force to intervene in this area [1].


Threat To Indonesia
            Darwin's position  is only 280 km from Indonesia, should have become a serious threat to Indonesian  without any reason and exception. In a short time, U.S. troops could be in parts of Indonesia to conduct of intelligence operations and military activities. It is conceivable, with weapon superiority that owned by US Armed Forces, it is not difficult for U.S. troops to conduct military operations same as in Libya, Afghanistan, Pakistan, etc..

For Indonesia, the placement of United States Marines in Darwin is urgent to critisize necesarry. Because it can amplify the power of Uncle Sam's military forces to respond to instability in Southeast Asia, particularly in Eastern Indonesia. The real reason is, without any Marines personnel placement 2500, Washington has Expeditionary Strike Group (ESG) and Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) that already  ready to respond to instability in Indonesia, including in parts of Indonesia .

Today, the problem of re-sticking Papua. US have very big interest with Freeport company at there. Lots of attack by separatist were happen there. In short, Jakarta was forced to be able to maintain the security of Washington's investment in the region's rich natural resources. If not, the United States will not hesitate to use military force to secure its interests there.
Indonesia is required to maintain stability in the eastern region. If it can be implemented, the United States military intervention can be minimized. Intervention than 2,500 personnel including Marines based in Darwin later


Facts of Sovereignity violations by U.S

The placement of a total of 2500 U.S. Marines in Australia raises some concerns. Even in Indonesia there are a number of parties which relate to the conflict in Papua. But Ambassador (Ambassador) to Indonesia Scot Marciel U.S. insisted that such concerns are unfounded. He asserted that the U.S. government's attitude since the first is to support the sovereignty of Indonesia [2].But is it so, the latest facts and instead asserted that the U.S. is a lot of activities and operations that violate the sovereignty of a country. In the case of hunting Osama bin Laden, former Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf said the military operation that killed Osama bin Laden has the U.S. violated the sovereignty of Pakistan [3]. He said it was the first time the U.S. government has acted completely independent of the government of Pakistan in gathering intelligence and willingness to act alone in Pakistan.
In the case of the Libyan attack by USA and NATO, this operation does not obtain prior permission from the UN. However, the U.S. continue to send troops by reason of "humanity" to save the citizens of Libya from the Gaddafi regime. But what actually happened after Libya's Gaddafi has successfully overthrown by a syndicate is a "rape" by imperialist forces determined to seize the oil wealth and transform the region into a neo-colonial basis for further intervention operations throughout the Middle East and North Africa.

In addition to the facts in Pakistan and Libya, many facts which show that U.S. foreign policy is not to uphold the sovereignty of a country, but to put forward the national interest as a super power that can dictate the economic and political conditions globally.


The Failure of Indonesian Government 
By looking at the potential threat that exists, but it seems the Government of Indonesia to act like an ass. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono welcomed the opening of the United States military bases in Darwin, Australia. This attitude was made after Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard stated that the opening of military bases on its territory in order to respond quickly to address natural disasters that often occur in East Asia including Australia. [4] The attitude of President of this childlike innocent who offered candy poisoned by his friend. How Could Yudhoyono make blunder like this, as presiden that have military background, he do not view the existence of military bases in Darwin as a threat sebuagh
The same foolishnees is also expressed by the Armed Forces Commander Admiral Agus Suhartono that states, the placement of U.S. bases in Darwin Australia is not a threat. It is also not directly related to the political situation in Papua and Indonesia in general [5]. According Suhartono, President of the United States and Prime Minister of Australia said the deployment was to assist disaster management in Asia.


Policy Recommendations
  1. To emulate or build up a bargaining position, then Indonesia must build defense cooperation with other Asean countries. However this is very difficult to do with Singapore which is a major supplier of U.S. logistics in the Asia Pacific region. Wide in Singapore harbor purposely built to meet the needs of the U.S. shipping fleet. Dengandemikian Indonesia can only hope that in Thailand, the Philippines, and possibly Malaysia. However, this coalition will ultimately only be bluffing because it does not have sufficient military power compared to U.S. forces
  2. Indonesia will eventually be forced U.S. become ally , or choose China. Based on projections for the current state of scientific engineering in the Asia Pacific region, the longest in 20 years, US-China conflict would no longer inevitable in this region.Therefore the position of Indonesia must be clear to the front, denagan calculating all the risk factors and benefit
  3. Indonesia attractive wing of cooperation with India and Russia. If granted a guarantee of security of both countries, U.S. forces would certainly think many times to perform an operation in Indonesia
 ** Head of Central Operations for Defense and Security ManagementEmail: davidrajamarpaung@gmail.com

[4] Ibid
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Ancaman Pangkalan Militer USA di Darwin, Australia

Ancaman Pangkalan Militer USA di Darwin, Australia
oleh David Raja Marpaung S.IP M.Def**

(Recommendation Paper)

 Presiden Amerika Serikat Barack Obama, dan Perdana Menteri Australia Gillard mengumumkan bahwa AS akan menambah kekuatannya marinirnya dari semula 250 menjadi 2.500 personel pada tahun 2012. Obama
menjelaskan bahwa kawasan tersebut sangat penting mengingat sebagai salah satu jalur laut tersibuk di dunia untuk menunjang kegiatan ekonomi di kawasan. Bagi Obama, posisi Darwin sebagai kota yang berada di bagian utara Australia sangat strategis, terlebih karena adanya beberapa kejadian kritis seperti Bom Bali, tsunami, dan Timor Timur.
Pembangunan pangkalan militer di Darwin sesungguhnya bukanlah suatu hal yang aneh atu tiba-tiba. Sejak tahun 1970-an, Darwin Australia merupakan basis intelejen Amerika Serikat untuk wilayah Asia Pasifik. Hal ini, disebabkan karena RRC secara ekonomi dan militer menguat, dan pasukan Amerika makin tidak populer di Jepang dan Korea Selatan. Dengan maraknya kasus pemerkosaan oleh tentara AS di Jepang dan Korea, serta konflik horizontal yang kerap terjadi, maka akan dipastikan untuk jangka panjang AS “terpaksa” merelokasi pasukannya dari kedua negara tersebut.
Dari sudut pandang pertahanan dan keamanan, pembangunan pangkalan di Darwin akan merubah peta kekuatan di Asia Pasifik, dan tentunya juga Asia Tenggara, dimana pasukan AS akan mampu sampai ke seluruh kawasan hanya dalam waktu hitungan menit hingga dua jam.  Secara khusus, aksi AS ini sempat menuai sindiran dari Perdana Menteri China Wen Jiabao. Dalam pidatonya ketika bicara dalam Pembukaan ASEAN-China Summit, Wen menyatakan bahwa China dan negara-negara ASEAN sudah sepakat melaksanakan Deklarasi Tindak Laku Para Pihak di Laut China Selatan sehingga tidak usah ada kekuatan luar yang intervensi di kawasan ini[1].

Ancaman Bagi Indonesia
            Posisi Darwin yang jaraknya hanya 280 km dari Indonesia, seharusnya sudah menjadi ancaman serius bag indonesia tanpa bantahan apapun. Dalam sekejap mata, tentara AS bisa berada di wilayah Indonesia dan melakukan operasi intelejen dan kegiatan militer. Bisa dibayangkan, dengan keunggulanpersenjataan yang dimiliki, maka bukanlah hal sulit bagi tentara AS untuk melakukan operasi layaknya di Libya, Afganistan, Pakistan, dll.
Bagi Indonesia, penempatan Marinir Amerika Serikat di Darwin penting untuk dicermati. Sebab kekuatan itu dapat memperkuat kekuatan militer Paman Sam untuk merespon instabilitas di kawasan Asia Tenggara, khususnya di Indonesia Timur. Sebab sebenarnya tanpa penempatan 2.500 personel Marinir pun, Washington mempunyai Expeditionary Strike Group (ESG) maupun Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) yang siap merespon instabilitas di Indonesia, termasuk di wilayah Indonesia yang pertama kali melihat matahari terbit.
Dewasa ini, masalah Papua kembali mencuat. Isu wilayah itu bertambah kompleks dengan adanya kepentingan Washington di sana, yaitu Freeport. Singkatnya, Jakarta dipaksa untuk dapat menjaga keamanan investasi Washington di wilayah yang kaya sumberdaya alam itu. Bila tidak, Amerika Serikat tak akan segan menggunakan kekuatan militernya guna mengamankan kepentingannya di sana.

Indonesia dituntut untuk mampu menjaga stabilitas kawasannya di wilayah timur. Kalau hal itu bisa dilaksanakan, intervensi militer Amerika Serikat dapat diminimalkan. Termasuk intervensi dari 2.500 personel Marinir yang berkedudukan di Darwin nantinya

Fakta-Fakta Pelangaran Kedaulatan Oleh AS
Rencana penempatan total 2.500 marinir AS di Australia menimbulkan sejumlah kekhawatiran. Bahkan di Indonesia ada sejumlah pihak yang mengaitkannya dengan konflik yang terjadi di Papua. Namun Duta Besar (Dubes) AS untuk Indonesia Scot Marciel menegaskan bahwa kekhawatiran tersebut tidak berdasar. Ia menegaskan  Sikap pemerintah AS sejak dulu adalah mendukung kedaulatan Indonesia[2].
Namun benarkah demikian, fakta fakta terkini justru menegaskan bahwa AS banyak sekali melakukan kegiatan dan operasi yang melanggar kedaulatan suatu negara. Dalam kasus perburuan Osama bin Laden, mantan Presiden Pakistan Pervez Musharraf menyebut operasi militer yang menewaskan Osama bin Laden telah  AS melanggar kedaulatan Pakistan[3].  Dia mengatakan itu adalah pertama kalinya pemerintah Amerika telah bertindak benar-benar independen dari pemerintah Pakistan dalam mengumpulkan intelijen dan bertindak kemauannya sendiri dalam wilayah Pakistan.

Dalam kasus penyerangan Libya oleh USA dan NATO, operasi ini sebelumnya tidak mendapatkan izin dari PBB. Namun, AS tetap mengirimkan pasukannya dengan alasan “ kemanusiaan” untuk menyelamatkan warga Libya dari rezim khadafi. Namun yang sesungguhnya terjadi setelah Khadafi berhasil digulingkan adalahpemerkosaan Libya oleh sindikat kekuatan imperialis yang bertekad untuk merebut kekayaan minyak dan mengubah wilayahnya menjadi basis neo-kolonial operasi untuk intervensi lebih lanjut ke seluruh Timur Tengah  dan Afrika Utara.
Selain fakta di Pakistan dan Libya, banyak fakta yang menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan politik luar negeri AS bukanlah untuk menjunjung tinggi kedaulatan suatu negara, namun lebih mengedepankan
kepentingan nasional yakni sebagai super power yang dapat mendikte kondisi ekonomi dan politik secara global.

Kebodohan Pemerintah Indonesia
Dengan melihat potensi ancaman yang ada, namun sepertinya pihak Pemerintah Indonesia bersikap seperti keledai. Presiden RI Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono menyambut baik pembukaan pangkalan militer Amerika Serikat di Darwin, Australia. Sikap itu diambil setelah Perdana Menteri Australia Julia Gillard menyatakan bahwa pembukaan pangkalan militer di wilayahnya itu dalam rangka respon cepat dalam mengatasi bencana alam yang kerap terjadi di kawasan Asia Timur termasuk Australia.[4] Sikap Presiden ini seperti anak kecil lugu yang ditawari permen beracun oleh temannya, tetapi seolah olah tidak tahu.Bagaimana mungkin seorang presiden, yang berlatar belakang militer, tidak memandang keberadaan pangkalan militer di Darwin sebagai sebuagh ancaman

Hal yang sama parahnya juga dinyatakan oleh Panglima TNI Laksamana Agus Suhartono yang menyatakan, penempatan pangkalan Amerika Serikat di Darwin Australia bukan ancaman. Itu juga tak berkaitan langsung dengan situasi politik di Papua dan Indonesia secara umum[5].Menurut Suhartono, Presiden Amerika Serikat dan Perdana Menteri Australia menyebut penempatan pasukan itu untuk membantu penanggulangan bencana di Asia.

Rekomendasi Kebijakan
  1. Untuk menandingi atau membangun suatu posisi tawar, maka Indonesia haruslah membangun kerjasama pertahanan dengan negara-negara Asean lainnya. Namun hal ini sangat sulit dilakukan dengan Singapura yang merupakan pensuplai utama logistic AS di kawasan Asia Pasifik. Pelabuhan lebar di Singapura sengaja dibangun untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pelayaran armada AS. Dengandemikian Indonesia hanya dapat berharap pada Thailand, Filipina, dan mungkin juga Malaysia. Namun koalisi ini pada akhirnya hanya akan bersifat gertakan karena tidak memiliki kekuatan militer memadai dibandingkan kekuatan AS
  2. Indonesia pada akhirnya akan dipaksa akankah menjadisekutu AS, atau memilih Cina. Berdasarkan proyeksi atas rekayasa ilmiah kondisi terkini di Asia Pasifik, maka paling lama dalam 20 tahun ke depan, konflik AS-China tidak akan terelakkan lagi di kawasan ini. Oleh sebab itu posisi Indonesia haruslah jelas ke depan, denagan menghitung semua faktor resiko dan keuntungan
  3. Indonesia menarik sayap kerjasama dengan India dan Rusia. Bila mendapat dukungan jaminan keamanan dari kedua negara tersebut, dapat dipastikan pasukan AS akan berpikir berkali kali lipat untuk melakukan operasi di Indonesia



 ** Head of Operations Central for Defense and Security Management
Email: davidrajamarpaung@gmail.com
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Tuesday, November 15, 2011

Conspicary and Human Right Abuse in Papua

Conspicary and Human Right Abuse in Papua
(Indonesia Govenment and Frreport Repress Papuan People)
By David Raja Marpaung S.IP M.Def


Introduction
Freeport’s Grasberg mine in Indonesia’s easternmost province, Irian Jaya (also known as West Papua), is one of the world’s richest mining operations. Recent estimates suggest that the mine has both the third largest reserves of copper, and the second largest reserves ofgold, in the world. With much of the necessary infrastructure already in place, production costs are also unusually low. In addition, the unknown potential of the largest corebody, the Grasberg, where the base of the ore deposit has yet to be identified, and of several additionalorebodies currently being explored, suggests that the mine’s life could extend for at least another 30 years.

The wealth of Freeport’s Irian mine is reflected in the relationship between the company and the Indonesian government. Freeport, which is responsible for about twothirds of Indonesia’s annual production of gold, is regularly amongst the largest corporate tax-payers in the country. However, its strategic importance to the state exceeds its monetary value. In recognition both of its wealth and its status as the first symbol of foreign investment confidence in the New Order government, the Freeport mine has been declared one of ten “national assets”.Freeport is also the jewel in the crown of provincial development for Irian Jaya, accounting for 88 percent of the province’s non-oil exports; however, there has been considerable resentment in Jayapura over the poor returns to the province from the royalties paid to Jakarta.

Overall, The relationship between Freeport and the indigenous Papuan peoples has been influenced by a set of interrelated dynamics, with explicit human rights dimensions, specifically: (1) the flawed integration of Papua into the Republic of Indonesia and subsequent Papuan resistance to Indonesian sovereignty; (2) the top-down, paternalistic, and nonparticipatory economic and social development policies and practices of the Indonesian government; (3) the counterinsurgency operations of the Indonesian military which have been carried out in order to defend Freeport's mining operations and other investment projects externally imposed upon local indigenous communities;(4) the corrupt governance practices of the Suharto regime and overall lack of the rule of law in Indonesia


State Conspiracy
The conspiracy started in 1988, fifteen years before the expiry date of the first contract, when Freeport Indonesia found the Grasberg deposit containing at least 72 million ounces of pure gold, silver and copper worth an estimated US$ 60 billion easily mined because it lay close to the surface.

Not wanting to lose the treasure, the boss of PT Freeport Indonesia, Bob Muffet made several strategic maneuvers to approach high-ranking officials in the Indonesian government. One of those targeted was Ginandjar, then Minister of Mining and Energy. Muffet and Ginandjar became close allies, as reported in The Asian Wall Street Journal in early October 1988. The two visited each other often, played golf together and dined in luxurious restaurants.

Freeport Indonesia proposed an extension of their contract in 1989, with an extension of the mining area to include the Grasberg site. Ginandjar negotiated for an increase in taxes and a bigger cut for the Indonesian government. Their share was raised from 10% to 20%. The agreement was signed on 30 December 1991. But the additional 10% was allocated to a private company named Bakrie Investindo. “What was going on? Is the Bakrie group more privileged than the Indonesian government? How much did you get Pak Ginandjar?” asked a member of Commission VIII, Nur Hasan. 

The Bakrie group bought 10% of the shares in Freeport Indonesia for US$ 212.5 million. US$ 49 million was paid in cash but the remainder was pledged through syndicated credit from international banks. To cover for the doubt about Bakrie’s financial condition, Freeport Indonesia guaranteed the credit. One year later, Freeport McMoran Copper & Gold Inc. reimbursed half of Bakrie’s shares at quadruple the price. 


Other allegations focus on the fact that PT Catur Yasa, owned by Ginandjar’s brother Agus Kartasasmita, was brought in to establish and maintain the electrical power plant for the mine. Commission VIII also questioned the involvement of the A Latief Corporation (ALC) owned by former Minister of Man Power Abdul Latief, which supplied peripheral facilities to support the mine, including hotels, housing complexes, soldiers barracks and even golf courses. Astrid S Susanto, a House members who is also a professor at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences at the University of Indonesia, told detikworld that the second contract between Freeport and the Indonesian government was legally defective. 

He claimed the agreement, known as Kontrak Karya II, was lex specialis, beyond Indonesian law. “Lex specialis is only supposed to be applied to several articles. But the whole Kontrak Karya II agreement was lex specialis,” explained Astrid. In this matter, the lex specialis agreement should be agreed by the House. “Now it depends whether the House agrees with that agreement,” said Astrid. 

In an interesting development which cause much excitement at the Attorney General’s offices today, a photocopiy of a warrant to detain Ginandjar in connection to alleged corruption, collusion and nepotism cases during former president Suharto’s regime was widely circulated. Signed on Thursday, 6 July 2000, the warrant ordered the Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes, Ramelan SH, to detain Suharto’s cronies, listed among them, Ginandjar. Other notable names on the list are former Vice President Soedarmono, former State Secretary Sa’adilah Mursyid and two infamous tycoons, namely Soedono Salim and Prajogo Pangestu.

After reformation era, it is believe the recent government is still continuing receive some amount of money "corrupt and gratitification: from Freeport.

Human Rights Abuse
Some of the categories of human rights abuse in the area of Freeport’s operations are summarized below. While very few of these cases have been individually established or proven legally, the weight of evidence suggests that most are credible and that, at the very least, further detailed investigation is warranted.
• The extrajudicial killing of as many as 200 people between 1975 and 1997, in and around the Freeport COW area, almost all of them unarmed civilians11
• Disappearance, arbitrary detention and torture • Rape and other forms of sexual abuse • Intimidation and harassment
sation
• Loss of land and livelihood without negotiation and without adequate compensation • Forced resettlement • Environmental degradation resulting in an unsafe environment • Destruction of ritually or culturally significant sites without consultation
Since 1996, Freeport has adopted several initiatives that indicate some willingness to address human rights concerns:

• A significant increase in funding for community development was announced in 1996,though the effect of this funding has been somewhat derailed by the heightening of tension and intra-community politics since the 1996 riots. Revisions in company
policies on indigenous employment opportunities, more formalised (though still
ungme leader Tom Beanal to the Freeport Indonesia board indicate a will on the part of the company to tackle some of the problems that have plagued its relations with local communities. • In 1999, Freeport McMoRan announced a Social and Human Rights Policy which s
troubled) processes of recognition for land releases, and the appointment of Amets out guidelines for staff conduct, requires annual compliance reports, and mandates regular training for its staff. Crucially, the policy states that:
of a human rights violation to the appropriate government authorities,
• In 2000, Freeport McMoRan and Rio Tinto signed the UK-USA Voluntary Statement of Principles on Human Rights and Security. • The appointment of Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald,via in The Hague, as a member of the Board of Directors and Special Counsel to the Chairman on Human Rights. Judge McDonald has been quoted as saying that, ‘Those [incidents of the past] have been investigated, but there isn’t really any closure to it yet. Let’s end it. And whatever shows up, let it show up’

• In a recent development, Freeport has denied use of its helicopters to the military,risking the wrath of the government but citing the problems associated with use of Freeport facilities as a base in the 1996 Lorentz Park hostage crisis

The presence of large numbers of troops at Freeport appears to have exacerbated, rather than resolved, local conflict. In addition to the mysterious killings and disappearances, which area trademark of military operations elsewhere in the Indonesian archipelago, there have been numerous violent clashes between different military and police units competing for the same lucrative economic opportunities in the Timika area. Most of these business interests involve access to Freeport materiel or to land which the indigenous communities regard as theirs, with the consequence that Freeport staff and local communities are potential casualties in the cross-fire. 

A reliable estimate of troop casualties in the Freeport area shows that far more soldiers and police have been killed by other government troops than by armed
Papuan resistance (or OPM). The continued presence of units that have perpetrated human rights abuses in the past also hinders reconciliation between the company and the community. Very credible reports are available to suggest that the landscape at Freeport is saturated with locations where bodies have been disposed of – along the road between Timika and Tembagapura, and in the vicinity of various army and police posts, most of them constructed by Freeport or its contractors. The security forces are understandably reluctant to have these locations
properly investigated. As long as historical cases of disappearance or the removal of corpses remain unsolved, a real reconciliation between Freeport and the Amungme and other Papuan communities of the area remains a distant prospect.



Bribes to Indonesia Police and Military Officer

Since the early 1970s, the Indonesian military has used Freeport-built infrastructure (e.g.,airport, roads, port site) as a staging ground for deadly assaults against the original Papuan landowners in the mine's vicinity-actions purported to be undertaken for protection of the mine and the elimination of popular resistance to Indonesian sovereignty.
The first documented Indonesian military killings of indigenous people in the Freeport area occurred in 1972. Researchers have recorded more than 150 cases of individual killings of Amungme and other indigenous people in and around the mine since the 1970s, as well as hundreds of additional deaths amongst these populations from illness and injury due to forced relocation and military attacks.
Freeport has provided considerable financial and logistical support-as well as equipment-to the Indonesian military and police. Police have been present at the mine site since the early construction period. For years, a unit of fewer than 100 soldiers occupied the area, but following the Amungme sabotage of Freeport's copper slurry pipeline in 1977, the Indonesian Armed Forces engaged in numerous attacks on local indigenous people, including killings, rape, and other assaults. The military presence increased exponentially following the discovery of the Grasberg deposit, rising to at least 1,850 soldiers by 1996.
       The Indonesian government has acknowledged the active measures taken by the military to expand its authority in the Freeport COW areas. Referring to a March 1996 riot that caused a temporary shutdown of mining operations, in which company management described seeing individuals with "walkie-talkies" and straight hair (i.e., non-Papuans; presumably plainclothes military personnel) orchestrating the violence
Freeport agreed to pay the military a one-time sum of $35 million, to be supplemented by an annual "donation" of $11 million. Internal company documents provide information on Freeport's expenditures for military headquarters, recreational facilities, "guard houses and guard posts, barracks, parade grounds
and ammunition storage facilities," as well as offices for two Army advisors, totaling $5,160,770 for the Army and an additional $4,060,000 for police. 

Now, the Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) has discovered transfers of US$79.1 million from PT Freeport Indonesia to the police. Based on its financial reports from 2001 to 2010, PT Freeport has cumulatively paid US$79.1 million to Indonesian security authorities.  Related with that, Critics have urged the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to immediately probe mining giant PT Freeport Indonesia’s security funds allocated to the Papua Police despite assurances from the company that the money is legal.


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